World leaders watched from the comfort of VIP rooms as former figure skating star Irina Rodnina lit the Olympic flame to kick off the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics.
The opening torch ceremony, with the theme of “peace and tolerance”, is intended to be the pinnacle of Russia’s renaissance, as Vladimir Putin turns to using soft power to impress the world.
Ten years later, Rodnina was once again entrusted with hosting winter sports events. This time, she fired the starting gun, and hundreds of Russian skiers who had been banned from competing in Western competitions formed a team. Giant pro-war letter “Z” at the start of the annual cross-country race on the outskirts of Moscow.
The stark contrast reflects the decade that marked Putin’s annexation of the Crimean peninsula and eight years later triggered Europe’s largest conflict since the end of World War II.
He opened a second front at home, igniting nationalist fervor mixed with nostalgia for the Russian Empire and the Soviet past.
Putin has portrayed himself as the sole guarantor of Russia’s sovereignty and traditional values and staunchly opposed to the West, which he has labeled “evil.”
News of Alexei Navalny’s death in prison on Friday dealt a devastating blow to the country’s already suppressed opposition. Putin now appears to have complete control over domestic politics. Navalny’s death is also a reminder that Putin is waging a war on two fronts — against Ukrainian citizens abroad and at home against those who dare to think differently.
As the second anniversary of the invasion approaches, Russians are finding their president reshaping most aspects of their lives at an unprecedented pace.
Children read a newly released history book that justifies Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and learn how to handle military drones. Veterans, often former prisoners of the notorious paramilitary Wagner organization, come to schools to preach “patriotic values”.
Theaters and museums were once the center of a thriving independent cultural scene, but their major shows have been curtailed and artists and directors imprisoned or exiled. Some museums now hold exhibitions displaying personal belongings of Ukrainian soldiers killed on the battlefield.
Under the direction of the militaristic Orthodox Church, the Kremlin has effectively outlawed homosexuality and sentenced citizens for wearing frog-shaped earrings with rainbow patterns or posting pictures of LGBTQ+ flags.
In December, authorities cracked down on a seedy party packed with celebrities in Moscow, one of the clearest signs of Russia’s embrace of conservative values and a sign that political freedoms are shrinking even for the well-connected.One of Russia’s most famous pop singers, Philipp Kirkorov, has since Tearful apology tourperformed for soldiers in occupied Ukraine.
Observers say state pressure has created an atmosphere of fear and condemnation – with neighbors, friends and even family reporting on each other, often anonymously – reminiscent of the darkest repression under Joseph Stalin.
A recent poll showed that up to 30% of Russians are afraid to express their views on the war, even to friends and family.
“We’re seeing a clear consolidation of nationalism and patriotism around the war,” said Denis Volkov of the independent pollster Levada Center, noting that surveys show consistently high support among Russians for the invasion.
Putin also mobilized the political and business elite, many of whom were shocked early in the invasion when their Riviera estates and bank accounts were frozen by the West. While Yevgeny Prigozhin’s aborted summer rebellion temporarily weakened Putin’s standing at home, the plane crash that killed the Wagnerian leader two months later quickly restored his reputation as a ruthless and helpless Russia. Challenge the leader’s reputation.
“We no longer fantasize about a post-Putin future. It is our reality and we need to live in it,” said a big businessman in Moscow.
But it’s not just a cudgel that binds Russia’s elite to Putin. The president made good on his early promise to the rich and powerful: Stay with me and get rich.
The Kremlin turned the departure of hundreds of Western companies into a windfall for Russia’s loyal elite, who eagerly took over valuable assets in a historic transfer of wealth that rivaled the early days of the Soviet Union’s collapse.
A new group of Russian businessmen have emerged to fill the void left by the international chains, including pro-Putin rapper Timati, who has snapped up and renamed hundreds of Starbucks and Domino’s Pizza stores across the country.
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The resilience of the Russian economy has allowed Putin to sustain the war in Ukraine while providing citizens with abundant choices in consumer goods.”Parallel imports” through Turkey and Kazakhstan ensure that Muscovites can buy Latest technology productssuch as the Apple Vision Pro headphones.
Going into March’s presidential election, Putin will be awarded another six years in office, but he does not face any serious challenges.
Marat Gelman, a former adviser to the president, said his victory would be seen as open support for the invasion. Although Putin told subordinates in 2004 that anyone “could go crazy” after seven years in power, his tenure may even outlast Stalin’s 29 years in power.
Still, not everyone is convinced. A small but persistent group of women gather outside the Kremlin every weekend, demanding that their husbands, who have been drafted to fight in Ukraine, be allowed to return home.
“Some people still believe state propaganda. But many people are changing their minds about special military operations,” said Maria Andreeva, the movement’s unofficial leader.
A grassroots movement has gained momentum in Russia over the past few months, undermining Putin’s portrayal of a society united behind the war.
As the Kremlin considered allowing little-known anti-war candidate Boris Nadezhdin to run in March’s presidential election, thousands of Russians lined up to sign signatures in support of the long-shot politician.
“A lot of people don’t like what’s going on and are opposed to the war. They’re just waiting for an opportunity to express their frustrations,” said Greg Yudin, a professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economics, referring to Nadezdin’s Surprisingly supportive, Nadezhdin was later barred from running.
Eugene, like other experts, believes that the “silent majority” of Russians, eager to return to pre-war normality, have instead adopted an escapist approach, largely ignoring developments on the battlefield.
“Strong pro-war voices seem to dominate society, but in reality they are a minority,” Yudin said.
Recent polls suggest some in the country are tired of the war.
When the Levada Center asked Russians what questions they wanted to ask Putin, the most popular question was: “When will the invasion of Ukraine end?”
But with the Kremlin taking complete control of the country’s media and education and its security services gradually intruding on people’s private lives – all signs of a totalitarian regime – the war’s lasting consequences remain to be seen.
“Russians are constantly being told how to think, and that certainly has an impact. Propaganda is powerful,” Yudin said. “But it’s too early to say how many hearts have been poisoned.”
