Although quick to forgive the man who pulled the trigger, Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico is seeking to lay the blame for May’s attempt on his life on what he perceives as his political opposition — including critical media.
The nationalist populist Fico has never hidden his contempt for journalists, famously branding them “dirty, anti-Slovak prostitutes” in 2016. However, since his return to power in October, his bid to “reform” the country’s public media has raised concern both at home and abroad.
Fico now appears keen to use the shocking attempt on his life by 71-year-old Juraj Cintula on May 15 as another stick with which to beat the press.
In his first public statement since leaving hospital, he called on the “anti-government media” to refrain from “downplaying … the evil and political hatred” that he claims has been stoked by his political opponents and ultimately led to the assassination attempt.
Politicians call for ‘reconciliation’
“Reconciliation” has become a buzzword since the attack, with voices on all sides expressing shock at the shooting and the deep polarization of Slovak society.
However, many in the media suggest that this narrative is being abused by the populist parties in power.
Speaking to DW on condition of anonymity, a journalist at one of the country’s major broadsheet newspapers said that “The governing coalition is trying to use this shocking incident to its advantage, to help them complicate the work of journalists and gain influence over the media landscape.”
Government politician declares end of ‘era of insolence’
The government was already working to increase its influence on the media ahead of the attack and is planning to push a reorganization of public broadcaster RTVS through parliament in the coming weeks.
Fico, who last year called commercial TV station Markiza, as well as the Dennik N, SME, and Aktuality outlets “enemy media,” claims that RTVS is no longer objective. Critics warn that the planned reorganization will put it under political control.
But in the immediate aftermath of the failed assassination attempt, Fico’s governing partners were quick to assert that even greater oversight would be implemented in order to prevent such horrors recurring.
“A political war has begun,” declared Andrej Danko, leader of the junior coalition partner Slovak National Party (SNS). “Changes” would be made to the media sector he promised. “The era of insolence is over.”
The government’s ‘Lex Atentat’
The tone of the rhetoric remains charged, with the ruling parties continuing to blame the opposition and media for whipping up hatred and polarizing society.
Amid a raft of legislation that ministers have suggested they are planning in response to the shooting, it is understood that there are proposals to amend laws on media and access to information.
“They are talking about what they call Lex Atentat [Assassination Law — editor’s note],” Radoslav Stefancik of the University of Economics in Bratislava told DW. “However, no one knows what it contains because despite the calls for reconciliation, the government is not yet responding to calls to cooperate, even though the opposition have in unison condemned the attack.”
‘War over Orbanization’
Many suggest, however, that these legislative tweaks are less of a worry than the informal mechanisms being used to put pressure on the media.
“It’s our duty to cover issues such as corruption or nepotism and we’ll continue to do that,” insists Lukas Fila, CEO of the N Press publishing house, which publishes Dennik N. “Some coalition politicians are using the situation to claim that it’s such reporting that led to the attack. Many that are calling for ‘reconciliation’ are really demanding the media refrain from any criticism. But that obviously can’t happen.”
However, it seems that not every media outlet is so determined to stay the course.
In late May, Markiza, the country’s most popular commercial TV station, cancelled its popular weekly political talk show Na Telo after host Michal Kovaacic told viewers that “a war over the Orbanization of our television stations” has begun.
Fico and other populist leaders around Europe are often thought to view the taming of the media by Viktor Orban’s government in Hungary as an enviable model.
Keenly aware of the way in which public media has been captured in Hungary, journalists and management at RTVS are seeking to overturn the plan. On June 10, with the blessing of management, staff went on strike and rallied in Bratislava, demanding that the public broadcaster’s independence be maintained.
It’s an issue that has also alarmed large sections of the public and may have helped to mobilize liberal voters in last weekend’s EU election, with the centrist Progressive Slovakia leading with 27.8% amid a record turnout of 34%.
However, supporters of Fico’s party, Smer, don’t appear to be bothered, and Smer still came in second with 24.8% — up from the 23% it won in last year’s parliamentary vote.
Self-censorship in Slovak media
Journalists at Markiza are attempting to fight back, threatening to strike as they support Kovaacic’s claim that management is interfering in the station’s editorial coverage. However, they may be fighting an uphill battle.
In response to a demand from the International Press Institute that it should “defend and support free journalism,” Markiza’s owner, Czech conglomerate PPF, said that Kovaacic had “violated editorial guidelines.”
And Markiza is not alone in being spooked by the government’s rhetoric. TV stations Joj and TA3 have also cancelled their political programming.
“Self-censorship is taking place,” says Stefancik. “First, government politicians stopped going on talk shows, then the owners of some media outlets started to restrict political broadcasts and are now favoring non-political news.”
He notes dryly that the high water levels in the Danube has become a hot topic.
Despondency in newsrooms
Amid the pressure, newsrooms are becoming despondent, says the anonymous broadsheet journalist who spoke to DW, adding “We’ve certainly toned down our coverage. What the journalists at Markiza are complaining about is happening here. I’m considering leaving.”
Not everyone is so worried that the government will be able to use the attack on Fico to launch Slovakia on a fast-track to Orbanization.
Fila at Dennik N points out that the Slovak premier, who suggests he could be back at his desk by early July, enjoys significantly less political leverage than his Hungarian counterpart.
But others do see cause for alarm: “Hungarian journalists tell me the situation in Slovakia now reminds them of what was happening in their country ten years ago,” said DW’s anonymous source.
Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan
